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Tibetan tean porters carry up to 325 pounds five miles per
day for one Mexcian
silver dollar. 1890s. These are the
heaviest loads that we were able to find historical
documentation for. Courtesy Royal Geographic Society. (left)
This load carrying capacity has tremendous validity when
attemptiong to understand what the Chaco Canyon Anasazi
might have been doing in transporting loards of corn from
the outliers such as Newcombe, Andrews and Kinya-a to
Pueblo Bonito, Kin Kletso and other central Chacoan small
storage round rooms (small kivas).

This is an Aztec glyph
(right) although the
caption does not
specify.I am very
confident that this
glyph shows exactly
how fertilizer is made
and applied by
humans as well as
“Gods.” What caught
my attention at first
was the very obvious discharge into the water by the seated
humanoids. One is a direct discharge and the other is clearly
made into a container. The next thing that caught my eye
was the architectural structure in which the corn is being
grown.This structure has a very specific and detailed design.
The structure at Mesa Verde called “Mummy Lake” follows
this same design pattern. I believe what this shows is a hybrid
hydroponic/rainfall system where the corn is watered
artificially at the roots and also by rainfall. Cloud and
lightening patterns are also fairly clear. I think that every
aspect and symbol has a specific meaning although most is
lost at least to me at the moment. Note the stepfret nose piece.
The caption for this piece says Chalchihuitlicue, with her
turquoise cloud terrace nose ornament, pouring water on a
corn plant. After Burland and Foreman 1975-75.

Display of religious
concepts of lightining,
fertilizer, rail clouds
associated with thunder
(thunderbird) and the
inhabitants of mulching
swamps, frogs in a very
late date bowl. 1425-1600 C.E. Giusewa
Pueblo, northern Rio
Grande. |
Current Archaelogist Position 2007-2010
"No single theory currently unifies
archaeological thinking"
Jeffrey J. Clark, Archaeology Southwest, Center for Desert Archaeology
Vol. 21, No. 2 Spring 2007
New proposal based on all the known facts as of 2010
"There is no known archaeological fact
to contridict this time line propasal and it resolves the final questions
about the orgins of the Chaco Canyon Anasazi and their eventual migrations
in a very scientificly accurate manner." -
Richard
D. Fisher May 6, 2010
The Final Question:
Where did the builders of Pueblo Bonito and other Chacoan great houses
come from?
By Richard D. Fisher - January 2007
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For those who want to have a good solid scientific idea to the resolution
of the mysteries surrounding the Anasazi in this
lifetime, we are close to being able to present a "unifying theory".
We have been able to collect and present evidence for many of the questions
concerning the Chaco Canyon Anasazi such as,
where did they go and why? With our unique discovery of how the Chacoans
and others of that time period manufactured fertilizer and stored grain
for the long term, virtually all of the last remaining great questions
have been essentially resolved with perseverance and dedication.
We were searching for five Chacoan “markers” along the
Continental Divide deep into Mexico for sights that matched
the critical time period of CE 800. The first documented beam
was laid in Pueblo Bonito with a cutting date of CE 829.
It has long been recognized the the founders of Pueblo
Bonito were very special people. Our reseach supports the proposal
that they were initiators and innovators of the Anasazi tradition and phenomenon
on the Colorado Plateau.
We have now identified a “D” shaped building and associated
cultural group along the Continental Divide that was
abandonend at about the same time that Pueblo Bonito was founded. This
building has important similarities as well as differences when compared
to Pueblo Bonito. More research needs to be done but this is the best
lead to resolving the
“Anasazi mystery” of where the builders of the Chacoan Great
Houses may have come from to be uncovered in the past three
decades.
Fine tabular stone work as demonstrated in Pueblo Bonito
and other Chacoan buildings is actually more unique than
formerly expected as documented by our research. It was
formerly thought that the stone work was strictly a function of
local geography/geology but it now appears that this is a
fundamental “Chacoan” marker and is most often associated
with the Scarlet Macaw Clan.
Round rooms as “Granaries” or “Kivas,” that are the size
of small Chacoan granaries as observed in Pueblo Bonito are
more common than expected in Northern Mexico along the Continental
Divide. I was previously told there were virtually no round rooms of
this size found in Northern Mexico. Although archaeology in Mexico
has advanced tremendously
in the last 20 years, there is no explanation or interpretation
of these round rooms currently in circulation. They are
attributed to a “mysterious and poorly understood religious
structures.” Although these what’s left of these constructions
or reconstructions that we documented are not large enough
to be interpreted as granaries from the visiable evedence, it is
certainly possible that they could have been. Further research
needs to be done by our team.
Round stones are found at the Chacoan sites of Aztec (CE
1051-1135), Chetro Ketl (CE 989-1117), Paquime (CE 1250 -1450) and
at sites we are researching co-dating with this era
along the Continental Divide in Northern Mexico.
The Scarlet Macaw Clan as demonstrated in this Paquime
lady’s heart can be interpreted as being the driving force
behind virtually all of the “Chacoan markers” and fall along a specifically
identifiable timeline or “migration path.”
We also were able to identify documentation by respected
Mexican archaeologists for other Chacoan markers such as “extensive
road systems” in the north along the Continental
Divide. This was quite a surprise and it will not take a great deal
of further research to identify these Chacoan style “roads.” We
found a number of other Chacoan markers (in ceramic design
and others) in the right time sequence but these will require
some further investigation and documentation.
In Mexico City we interviewed top Mexican archaeologist
who shared with us the specific details of test to “prove” (or
indicate otherwise) that Chacoan era small “Kivas” were used
as granaries and not religious structures. These test can also
be used to do analysis of ceramics for the production of corn
beer. These will be done by respected archaeologist at the
appropriate labs.
1. Flotation - base of the storage floor for macrofossils
pollen.
Testing for water, sodium, silicate.
2. Phytoliths Analysis - silicate cells.
3. Chemical Analysis -
A. Starch - specific for plant type.
B. Carbohydrates.
In other Archaeological news from Mexico, a top Mexican
archaeologist has identified “Macaw Stones” more than 500
miles south of Paquime at a major site in central Durango, near
Durango City. We will fallow up on this discovery on our next
expedition into north central Mexico. Arturo Ybarra 614-458-7247, 410-3948,
410-6398 .
Evidence our research points not to “trade or Meso-American
influence” but rather a generation to generation
transmission of engineered multi-story buildings, lifestyles
and religious concepts as expressed in ceramic design along
a specific timeline and migration path from north central
Mexico to Chaco Canyon and returning to Mexico 600 years
later. We have collected the preliminary scientific data to
support this new “unifying theory” and are seeking supporters
and sponsors to continue this research.
After two decades without a “unifying theory” it is exciting
that there may be the possibility of such a proposal that is
scientifically valid!
This summer we were also able to integrate Christy Turner’s
theories (less his terrorism/political control proposal) and
Stephen A. LeBlanc’s proposals presented in Prehistoric
Warfare in the American Southwest 1999 University of Utah
Press, both of which fit perfectly into this proposed “unifying
theory.” |
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